Podcast: Waymo Leader Makes the Case For Robotaxis in D.C.

Does D.C. want robotaxis? Will Waymo kill jobs?

On the Dream City podcast, hear directly from Matt Walsh, Waymo's regional head of state and local public policy. Cuneyt Dil presses Walsh on labor’s warnings about lost driving jobs, the company’s safety record, and whether a multibillion-dollar technology company is prepared to make a significant investment in D.C. They also get into Waymo’s response to labor's accusations that it is trying to “steamroll” the city, the possibility of a deal with unions and Janeese Lewis George, and when riders might finally be able to take a driverless car to DCA or Dulles.

The Dream City Podcast holds the powerful accountable and takes you inside D.C.’s business and political worlds. Along the way: Revelatory conversations with city officials, business leaders, and the best-sourced journalists in town. Dream City is supported by SpotlightDC.

Podcast: Will D.C. Approve Waymo's Self-Driving Cars?

The fight over Waymo's self-driving cars in D.C. is shaping up to be a big one. Labor unions, which fear the loss of gig economy jobs, have already started protesting. Waymo counters that it will hire hundreds of people to maintain its robotaxis.

On the Dream City Podcast, Cuneyt Dil digs into the coming fight with Mark Segraves of NBC4. They also break down Vice President J.D. Vance's rental of a sprawling estate in Virginia and the valuable naming rights and seat licenses included in the Commanders stadium deal.

The Dream City Podcast holds the powerful accountable and takes you inside D.C.’s business and political worlds. Along the way: Revelatory conversations with city officials, business leaders, and the best-sourced journalists in town. Dream City is supported by SpotlightDC.

D.C. Tenant Advocates Sound Alarm About a RENTAL Act Loophole

Photo illustration of DC's Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act being raised by cranes with a row of houses in the background.
(Maddie Poore)

The elevators in Harry Gural’s rent-controlled building on Connecticut Avenue haven’t been reliable for over a decade. It’s part of a string of maintenance problems that have plagued his older building. “They just haven’t fixed things for years and years and years,” he said.

But now, Gural wonders whether he should have a new concern: If his landlord significantly renovates the building to fix these outstanding issues, he and other tenants could be at risk of losing crucial rights.

Last year, the D.C. Council passed a bill overhauling the city’s housing law and significantly weakening major protections for tenants. Mayor Muriel Bowser first announced the Rebalancing Expectations for Neighbors, Tenants, and Landlords (RENTAL) Act in February 2025 — aiming, she said, to address a rent-delinquency crisis and encourage more private investment in market-rate housing. Housing and tenant advocates immediately sounded the alarm about the bill, arguing that it stripped tenants of their most crucial rights, including eviction protections and renters’ rights to buy their building. But most of the city’s lawmakers eventually rallied behind it.

“We are building housing too slowly,” Councilmember Robert White, chairman of the housing committee, said at the time. “We are driving landlords and investors away. We cannot lose sight of the impact on real people.”

The law passed later that year with 10 councilmembers voting in favor. Following pushback from advocates, some older buildings — like Gural’s — were spared the loss of some rights in the final statute. Advocates believed it was a hard-won reprieve in a law they broadly disliked. But less than a year after passage, developers, tenant advocates, and real estate attorneys say there is confusion about that supposed concession. Older buildings are being subjected to RENTAL Act rules even though legislators and advocates say they shouldn't be —  and it’s threatening to dramatically expand the number of tenants losing their rights.

At the center of the issue is the way the RENTAL Act erodes the Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act (TOPA), a landmark housing law passed in 1980 in response to the city’s affordable housing crisis. The law gives renters the first right of refusal to buy their building or to choose a buyer when it goes up for sale. For D.C.’s renters, TOPA isn’t just a way to purchase their building — it’s also a tool they can use to negotiate with a potential buyer, pushing for things like repairs or caps on rent increases. Over the past 40 years, the law has created or preserved more than 16,000 affordable housing units, according to the Coalition for Nonprofit Housing and Economic Development.

One of the RENTAL Act’s most consequential changes included exempting all buildings constructed in the last 15 years from TOPA. While the RENTAL Act included a series of changes to TOPA, this one affected approximately 81,000 existing units and untold more in the future, creating a "historic loss of tenants’ rights," according to Mychal Cohen, a senior policy analyst at the DC Fiscal Policy Institute.

But today, ambiguous wording in the new law and confusing guidance from the Department of Housing and Community Development (DHCD) is creating uncertainty about what counts as a new building under the law, tenant advocates, developers, and real estate professionals told The 51st. Some sellers are already taking advantage of the lack of clarity and are marketing older, rent-controlled buildings that have been renovated as “new construction,” and thus also TOPA- exempt.

This behavior has undermined one of the slim tenant protections advocates were able to preserve in the law, they say. (In a last-minute amendment, most 2-4 unit buildings also lost their TOPA rights under the act). Tenant organizers fought to retain TOPA rights for tenants in renovated buildings, and the D.C. Council’s Committee on Housing said they excised that particular exemption for fear that landlords would rush to renovate just to wiggle out of TOPA. 

“Improvements are just part of what you do as a landlord,” said Gural, who is a longtime advocate for tenants’ rights. “I'm not sure why that should give you a TOPA exemption.”

Like many tenant organizers and advocates, he sees the change as linked to a larger unraveling of the city’s protections for renters in favor of commercial interests.

“Tenants are just run over like a truck, and they're looking for some hand in the destiny of their building, and that's why they find it offensive if their TOPA rights are eroded,” Gural said.

When New Means Renovated

As the RENTAL Act is written, a property can be exempt from TOPA if it receives a permanent certificate of occupancy for a “new multifamily building” in the last 15 years. This is a document that confirms a building has met all regulatory requirements and is officially safe for habitation. But the D.C. Department of Buildings (DOB) grants new permanent certificates of occupancy for substantial renovations to existing buildings as well as for new ones. This has led to confusion, said Dennis Cravedi, Senior Vice President at commercial real estate law firm Horvath & Tremblay. The law could be interpreted to say that a landlord who renovates or redevelops their existing building could also qualify for the TOPA exemption, he said.

The law doesn’t clarify what “new construction” means when it comes to this TOPA exemption, said DHCD spokesperson Timothy Wilson. The agency "interprets the law to mean that properties that underwent substantial rehabilitation or gut renovation are not exempt from TOPA unless they qualify under the new construction exemption, which requires a permanent Certificate of Occupancy issued within the past 15 years.”

This, however, is exactly the problem, advocates say. Applying DHCD’s interpretation means that an older property that undergoes a major modernization may be considered a new building after securing a brand-new permanent certificate, allowing landlords of decades-old buildings to claim the "new construction" shield.

According to a Department of Buildings (DOB) spokesperson, a newly issued permanent certificate of occupancy alone cannot prove whether a building is “new construction or a substantial renovation or conversion.” Identifying whether a building is actually new construction, they said, would require looking beyond the permanent certificate of occupancy to review the building permits and construction plans.

With the law so unclearly defined, local attorneys are bracing for confusion. Attorneys in the Real Estate Practice Group at law firm Ballard Spahr alerted clients after a January meeting with DHCD that a full rollout of formal guidance on the changes to TOPA could take up to two years, noting that parts of the law “are unclear and subject to interpretation.”

The real-world consequences of this regulatory confusion are already playing out in the market. A recent listing by brokerage firm Marcus and Millichap advertises a 36-unit property at 5010 Southern Avenue SE as completely TOPA-exempt new construction, although it’s more than 60 years old.

Lorenzo Wooten, the listing broker, told The 51st that the property was fully renovated in 2015. Wooten said DHCD explicitly advised him that because more than half of the building was renovated and received a new permanent certificate of occupancy in 2015, it qualified as new construction. (DHCD denies this, saying they have “not provided any formal or informal guidance establishing a renovation threshold for an exemption.")

Wooten is not the only one using an interpretation of the law that would exempt renovated buildings from TOPA protections. The Small Multifamily Owners Association, a landlord lobbying group, hosted a webinar in March where Terrence Laney, the administrator of the Rental Conversion and Sale Division — the part of DHCD that manages TOPA — suggested that buildings undergoing substantial renovations could qualify for the law’s 15-year TOPA exemption. (Laney has since been placed on leave amid accusations of conflicts of interest).

This interpretation threatens to exempt thousands of older renovated buildings that received new permanent certificates in the last 15 years. Just in the last two-and-a-half years, DOB issued 5,798 permanent certificates of occupancy, according to the agency’s own data. Of those, nearly 80% were for modifications to existing structures. New construction accounted for only 986 certificates.

Laney was asked in the webinar, which was reviewed by The 51st, if gut renovations qualified as new construction. His response was: "If the permanent certificate of occupancy has been issued in the last 15 years, which designates that as new construction, it is exempt."

Similar reliance on a permanent certificate of occupancy to determine whether a building is new is used in a sample letter for landlords to send to tenants included in DHCD's Frequently Asked Questions on the RENTAL Act.

This kind of conflicting guidance is alarming legislators and tenant advocates alike.

“I worry that there is misleading information coming directly from the D.C. government that may be confusing tenants about their rights,” said Mel Zahnd, Supervising Attorney in the Housing Law Unit at Legal Aid DC.

Confusing paper trail

Tenant advocates and legislators said that Laney’s interpretation misses what was clearly the spirit of the law.

Robert White, who just won the race to become D.C.’s delegate to Congress and helped shape the final version of the law and pushed for its passage, strongly disputes it, saying that the law was meant to exempt newly constructed buildings or office-to-residential conversions from TOPA protections, not additions or renovations.

“We expect the Executive to directly address allegations that DHCD is promulgating guidance contrary to the law's intent,” White’s office told The 51st. 

"The clear and unambiguous legislative intent was to limit the “new construction” exemption to actual new construction,” said Joel Cohn, legislative director for the Office of the Tenant Advocate, the D.C. agency that offers legal support for renters. 

Wilson said DHCD’s job, however, is to “apply the statute as written.” The agency is currently reviewing 13 claims of new construction exemption and said the agency’s role is to “evaluate documentation showing whether a property meets the criteria for new construction,” rather than assessing whether a property has been renovated or the scope of that renovation.

Wilson also said that “future rulemaking could provide additional clarity.” The risk to tenants is further heightened because DHCD doesn’t appear to confirm the existence of a permanent certificate of occupancy when reviewing claims for TOPA exemption. According to Wilson, the agency may find a TOPA exemption claim deficient if “materials are missing, incomplete, or clearly inconsistent with statutory requirements.” But if an issue isn’t identified, “it does not independently verify Certificates of Occupancy beyond this.” 

A review of DOB records for Wooten’s listing at 5010 Southern Ave SE, for instance, does not show a permanent certificate of occupancy issued in the past 15 years, and Wooten did not explain the discrepancy or provide a copy of the certificate to The 51st. Mercedes Lemp, President and CEO of Housing Up, the nonprofit that owns the property through an LLC, did not answer questions about the claimed exemption, simply sending a copy of the 1996 permanent certificate of occupancy in response.

DHCD’s limited verification could mean that if individual tenants receive a notification that their building is not subject to TOPA as a result of the RENTAL Act’s new construction exemption, it is up to them to challenge this claim on their own (or with the help of a tenant advocate, if they’re able to get one). While renters have opportunities under the law to challenge a TOPA exemption, the confusing nature of the exemption makes the process almost impossible for most tenants to navigate. 

With little protection for tenants, advocates are already seeing a wave of questionable exemptions.

According to Cohn, his office is flagging “very problematic language,” including “wild characterizations of the actual law,” in the exemption notices that landlords are issuing to tenants.

Tenants lose out in a changing market 

For tenants, the threat posed by this new potential TOPA exemption for renovated buildings — as well as the broader erosion of TOPA under the RENTAL Act — extends beyond maintenance concerns to a fundamental erosion of their influence.

“It’s not about buying the building,” said Gural, who recently received a notification from his landlord that he won’t have TOPA rights as a result of a different provision in the RENTAL Act (which his tenant association is challenging). “It’s about having a seat at the table … having a hand in deciding what happens to the building.”

It’s why advocates were so worried about the passage of the RENTAL Act — it included so many carve-outs to TOPA that it threatens to swallow the law entirely. The weakening of TOPA is all the more concerning, Gural said, given the growing influence of private equity on D.C.'s housing market. These large companies often boost profits by hiking rents and slashing services before eventually offloading the building. 

Moreover, the law’s effects on the market may not be what many proponents of the RENTAL Act intended. While supporters said that removing TOPA protections would encourage investment in new housing, some real estate industry professionals told The 51st that confusion around the application of the law has created uncertainty, which isn’t good for business. “The RENTAL Act didn't really move the needle one way or the other,” Cravedi said. "If the goal was to really change the market or investor perception in D.C., then no, it has not had a big impact.”

As real estate and title attorney Kevin Bayly observes, the market values predictability above all. "You may have liked it or not liked it,” he said of traditional TOPA rules, “but you knew how it worked.” 

One D.C. developer, who requested anonymity, was more blunt in his assessment of the legislation: “They fucked up.”


This story was edited by Abigail Higgins, Natalie Delgadillo, and Benny Peterson.

Podcast: Trump's Latest Attack on D.C. and a Looming Tax Fight

President Trump is calling out Janeese Lewis George, winner of D.C.'s Democratic primary for mayor. Trump attacks her as a "communist" but says he'd meet with her. On the Dream City Podcast, Cuneyt Dil and Tom Sherwood break down whether D.C.’s incoming left can find any workable ground with the White House.

Plus: The next major battle at the Wilson Building will be over taxes. Cuneyt and Tom dig into the pressure to raise new revenue after the city’s budget crunch, what kinds of tax hikes progressives may pursue, and how much room they really have with Congress still looming over D.C. affairs.

The Dream City Podcast holds the powerful accountable and takes you inside D.C.’s business and political worlds. Along the way: Revelatory conversations with city officials, business leaders, and the best-sourced journalists in town. Dream City is supported by SpotlightDC.

Podcast: The Socialist Sweep in D.C.'s Primaries

On the heels of a wave of democratic socialist victories in D.C.'s primaries, the Dream City podcast analyzes the results.

Aparna Raj, winner of the Ward 1 D.C. Council Democratic primary, tells hosts Cuneyt Dil and Tom Sherwood why she thinks a message of affordability resonated with voters. Chuck Thies, a veteran D.C. strategist, also breaks down Janeese Lewis Georges's sweeping mayoral primary victory, why Kenyan McDuffie’s campaign never found its footing, and what the results say about the city’s political direction.

The Dream City Podcast holds the powerful accountable and takes you inside D.C.’s business and political worlds. Along the way: Revelatory conversations with city officials, business leaders, and the best-sourced journalists in town. Dream City is supported by SpotlightDC

Podcast: Trump Just Jumped Into D.C.'s Mayoral Race

Days before D.C.'s primary elections, President Trump threatened the District over its mayoral race. He said in the Oval Office that if Janeese Lewis George wins, "Maybe we take back Washington."

In this pre-election episode of the Dream City podcast, Cuneyt Dil and Tom Sherwood consider the paths to victory for the two leading candidates--Lewis George and Kenyan McDuffie--and the kind of voters they'll need to turn out.

The Dream City podcast is supported by SpotlightDC.

D.C. has a food access problem. Advocates say Bowser’s budget would make it worse.

Photo illustration of a family browsing fruit with the Wilson Building in the background.
(Maddie Poore)

When Mariah Francis heard that the work she was doing on grocery store access in D.C. was in jeopardy, she jumped into action.

A Ward 1 resident and SNAP recipient, Francis has been helping research the barriers low-income families in D.C. and Baltimore face accessing grocery stores since last summer. The project, led by researchers at George Washington University, came to life with help from the DC Food Policy Council. This volunteer coalition of leaders, led by a small staff housed in D.C.’s Office of Planning, was established a decade ago to focus on creating a more equitable and sustainable local food system.

Over the years, the Food Policy Council has worked on a range of issues, like leading the effort to get low-income students who rely on school lunches extra food over the summer, shaping legislation that made it easier to start farmers markets in neighborhoods that lack fresh produce, and helping coordinate emergency food distribution at the beginning of the pandemic. This year, however, may be the council’s last as Mayor Muriel Bowser’s proposed budget would eliminate it.

“A budget is a moral document,” said Francis. “What you budget in the government sets a priority, not only for policy decisions, but also it tells the public, ‘This is what we care about.’”

As the city grapples with the economic impacts of federal workforce layoffs and slowed revenue, the Food Policy Council is far from the only part of the government facing cuts. Following her report of a $1 billion dollar budget gap, Bowser’s proposed cuts include nearly eliminating a fund that helps boost the pay of child care workers, reducing funds for universal paid leave by $95 million dollars, and freezing pay increases for D.C. government workers. 

However, after the D.C. Chief Financial Officer freed up $400 million in additional funds, the mayor requested last week that Chairman Phil Mendelson put money towards some of these cuts, including future collective bargaining agreements, childcare family subsidy programs, universal paid leave, and the Housing Trust Production Fund. But the Food Policy Council wasn’t on that list of priorities.

When asked about this decision, the Bowser administration said that “FY27 is a challenging budget year.” 

However, advocates say this work is vital in a city where the ease of getting healthy food depends on where you live. While Ward 3 is home to 17 full-service grocery stores, according to a 2025 report from DC Hunger Solutions, Ward 7 has just 3 (and in Ward 8, it’s only 4). Capital Area Food Bank found that in 2025, 40% of Washingtonians experienced food insecurity, an increase from 38% the previous year. The problem may continue to worsen due to federal workforce layoffs and major changes to public benefits like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), experts say. 

“Why would you get rid of something that's needed for an essential service for the city?” said Patricia Stamper, an Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner in Ward 7, about the Food Policy Council. “Everybody has to eat everyday.”

Stamper works on the same project as Francis, which for her is motivated by the long commutes she and her Ward 7 neighbors often make to put food on the table.

“I shouldn't have to go an hour and 30 minutes out of my way on public transportation, just to get quality food to feed my two children,” she said.

But the Bowser administration said these challenging economic times require tough decisions.

“We delivered a balanced budget that met residents’ most pressing needs, focusing on education, public safety, core services like trash and roads, protecting healthcare for residents, and growing the District’s economy,” said a spokesperson from the Office of the City Administrator (OCA). 

There also doesn’t seem to be an appetite from the Office of Planning (OP) to keep the Food Policy Council and its staff in their department. During a May budget hearing, OP Director Anita Cozart said the direction of the Food Policy Council shifted after the pandemic, when they started focusing on expanding federal food assistance and supporting values-based procurement  — which is outside of OP’s work on land use regulation.

“Those are important to District residents,” said Cozart. “They are also substantially the function of other agencies, and not core to our functions at OP,” adding that it was difficult for OP to justify the operational support. 

Still, the elimination concerned councilmembers, and Chairman Phil Mendelson questioned Cozart why the office wasn’t just moved to a different agency.

Councilmember Christina Henderson, who chairs the Committee on Health, was particularly surprised by the cut, given recent efforts to increase the office’s work. In March, the D.C. Council held a hearing on legislation that would expand the authority of the Food Policy Council to ensure that all government agencies who buy food are meeting certain nutritional, economic, and environmental standards.

“We thought that this would be really good work,” said Henderson, who co-sponsored the legislation, in an interview with The 51st on May 7. “And then to have the proposal to cut the office … it was definitely very surprising.” 

To the average person, the work of the Food Policy Council might seem a little wonky, but Henderson said it’s had real consequences. 

That includes helping bring SUN Bucks to D.C., a federal program that provides $120 for qualifying students to get food during the summer months, when they can’t rely on school lunches for a nutritious meal. This resulted in the District receiving over $7 million federal dollars for 58,000 kids in 2024. The council was also central to the Farmers Market Support Act, which helps bring farmers markets to low-access food areas through grants and discounted permitting fees.

“If you use a farmers market, regardless of where you are in D.C., then you also care about the DC Food Policy Council,” said Francis.

At multiple budget hearing meetings in April and May, a wide range of groups urged the D.C. Council to restore the Food Policy Council’s funding. 

Local farming network 4PFoods called the Food Policy Council “instrumental” in passing the Healthy Students Amendment Act, which incentivized schools to ensure more kids from high-need schools were eating breakfast. Health equity nonprofit DC Greens wrote that the Food Policy Council’s leadership in health equity, food access, and interagency coordination helped their Produce Rx program succeed, which supplies Medicaid enrollees with monthly funds to buy fresh produce.

One resident testified that her small food business wouldn’t exist without the Food Policy Council.

“They were kind of instrumental in answering our questions and encouraging us from the get-go,” said Nina Hamedani, a Ward 4 resident and owner of baklava pop-up, The Persian Table. 

Hamedani also told The 51st that the Food Policy Council’s monthly meetings are where she received information on important policy updates, like a recent law change that expanded the types of markets that food producers like Hamedani can sell to. She added that another big boost to starting her business was when Caroline Howe, the director of the Food Policy Council, helped get her connected to a food business mentor.

But last month, Howe was let go from her position, a move that Councilmember Henderson suspects was related to Howe’s advocacy to restore the Food Policy Council’s funding.

“You can't say it was because of the work product, because they were doing what they were supposed to do, they were competent in terms of the expertise, they had brought together agencies to move the ball forward,” Henderson told The 51st. 

When asked about Howe’s removal, the OCA spokesperson said the city does not comment on personnel matters.

They added that food policy “remains important to the District and will continue across multiple agencies,” citing two ongoing initiatives: Nourish DC, a public-private partnership that has distributed over $1.5 million dollars in grants to help fund local-owned food businesses, and the Office of Urban Agriculture, which has multiple programs to help residents get funding for their urban farms.  

But years of advocacy by the Food Policy Council was the origin story of Nourish DC, wrote Alison Powers, the director of economic opportunities at the Nourish DC Collaborative, in her testimony to a Committee of the Whole’s budget hearing. “Nourish DC has relied on the FPC’s deep expertise in local food systems,” Powers added in her testimony. “It was devastating to hear the FPC would be cut.”

Advocates are also worried about cutting the Food Policy Council right as new changes to SNAP take place. Starting this month, some SNAP recipients in D.C. are now required to prove that they’re working or volunteering at least 80 hours a month (such work requirements have historically been used to reduce the amount of people on public assistance programs). The Food Policy Council had been working with D.C.’s Department of Human Services to reach out to job training providers, in order to help SNAP recipients meet the new requirements and keep their benefits.

At a May council budget hearing on the Office of Planning (OP), Councilmember Henderson asked OP Director Cozart if she knew which agency would take on the work of communicating SNAP eligibility requirements and organizing on-the-ground food distribution efforts, if the Food Policy Council were to be dissolved. “At the moment, I do not,” said Cozart, but added that there are staff who can take on that work in the interim. 

In her newsletter, Henderson wrote that Bower’s budget is cutting “critical health programs, including for behavioral health services, maternal and child health, healthy food access, and more. 

Under her leadership, the Committee on Health is advocating to restore funding for the Food Policy Council and to move it under DC Health, which Henderson said is mission-aligned because “food policy is essential to public health.” 

The next steps are up to the D.C. Council, which will take its first vote on the budget on June 9.

Ultimately, advocates like Francis say that the Food Policy Council is doing work the city needs more of, not less. “This is actually about food access across the District for everyone,” she said. “We all honestly have something to lose here, and it's important that people know that.”

D.C. Court System Faces Mounting Backlog Crisis

The exterior of the Moultrie Courthoust in Washington D.C., a large white office building with glass.
A new report shows D.C.'s court system has a backlog of criminal and civil cases. (Courtesy photo)

Washington’s court system is buckling under a crushing backlog of criminal and civil cases, with felony trials now being pushed years into the future as more than a quarter of D.C.’s judicial seats remain vacant.

This backlog leaves victims waiting for justice, defendants trapped in legal limbo, and families across the District facing mounting instability in housing, probate, custody, and other cases. 

Court officials, defense attorneys, legal scholars, and advocates say the crisis has moved far beyond a bureaucratic inconvenience and into a constitutional emergency affecting nearly every corner of the city’s justice system. According to the D.C. Courts’ annual statistical summary, more than 106,000 cases were pending or available for disposition in Superior Court at the start of 2025. 

Fewer than 61,000 were resolved during the year, leaving more than 40,000 unresolved heading into 2026. Criminal felony backlogs worsened sharply, growing from 2,198 pending felony cases at the beginning of 2025 to 3,438 by year’s end. 

“When delays become so severe that victims cannot get closure, defendants cannot receive timely trials, witnesses disappear, and judges are forced to triage justice, the issue is no longer administrative,” Tracy Velázquez, policy director at the Council for Court Excellence, told The Informer. “The right to a speedy trial is a constitutional guarantee, and courts are one of the core systems our communities rely on for accountability and fairness.”

The mounting delays have come as political pressure surrounding crime in Washington has intensified, even while violent crime and property crime statistics have declined in the District. 

Data from D.C.’s Crime Cards dashboard and criminal justice agencies show that major categories of violent crime have continued trending downward. At the same time, felony filings in D.C. Superior Court surged dramatically in 2025. 

The D.C. Sentencing Commission reported a 44% increase in felony cases filed compared with the previous year, with 1,275 additional felony cases entering the system. Half of all felony filings in 2025 occurred between September and December alone. 

The numbers reveal a court system absorbing far more cases than it can resolve. In 2025, there were 6,501 adult felony arrests in the District, a 13% increase from the prior year and the highest number since the Sentencing Commission began tracking the data in 2018. Prosecutors “papered,” or formally charged, roughly 80% of those arrests, also an all-time high. The Sentencing Commission found that 53% of felony cases filed in 2025 were still pending disposition as of January 2026 because the courts could not move cases fast enough. 

“Without a doubt, the political and media rhetoric around crime in D.C. has led to an increased pace of arrests and prosecutions,” Velázquez said. “Ironically with the biggest jump in the prosecutions being of minor misdemeanor charges and not more violent felonies.”

Defense attorneys and court observers say the consequences are cascading throughout the system. Defendants who have not been convicted remain jailed for months or years awaiting trial or continue living under restrictive bail conditions while cases inch through the courts. Victims and witnesses often wait years for closure while evidence weakens and memories fade. Legal experts say delays increasingly create constitutional challenges that can lead to cases being dismissed altogether.

“As a criminal defense lawyer for over 36 years, with past experience as a Crown Prosecutor, I have personally seen the increase in backlogs and the manner a court system treats defendants pending a decision,” criminal defense attorney Michael Kruse said in a statement. “The strain placed on judges and prosecutors from excessive caseloads is having a serious impact on the justice system.”

Kruse said prolonged delays damage nearly every aspect of the legal process.

“The longer a file is inactive in a court system, the more weight the evidence loses for the purpose of proving the case and the colder it becomes for the lawyers who will be evaluating it for use later,” Kruse said. “Defense counsel can make an application to the court for the proceedings to be stayed or for the charges to be dismissed completely.”’

‘Court Vacancies Affect the Entire City

The D.C. Sentencing Commission’s latest report also showed that roughly 39% of adult felony arrests in 2025 did not result in a Superior Court conviction, either because cases were never formally prosecuted, were dismissed, or ended without conviction. At the same time, plea agreements dominated the system, accounting for 92% of felony case resolutions in 2025, while jury trials remained relatively rare. 

The burden has spilled into the D.C. jail as well. Velázquez noted that increasing pretrial detention periods are contributing to rising jail populations even while crime falls. She pointed to three inmate deaths already reported this year inside the D.C. jail.

Reports from attorneys, judges and court officials paint a picture of a system stretched to its limits. Reportedly, some hearings have continued late into the night as judges struggle to manage overloaded dockets. Further, severe judicial shortages have delayed criminal proceedings and slowed nearly every division of the court system. D.C. Witness also documented warnings from judges and attorneys who said confirmation delays for judicial nominees have created an increasingly dangerous strain on the courts. 

The impact extends far beyond criminal courtrooms. Velázquez said ordinary residents waiting on family court rulings, probate disputes, evictions, small claims, and custody hearings are also paying the price.

“Justice delayed in our local courts can mean prolonged instability in housing, finances, caregiving, and family life,” Velázquez said. “Court vacancies affect the entire city, not just high-profile criminal cases.”

Professor Matthew Fraidin of the University of the District of Columbia David A. Clarke School of Law said the damage is especially severe for Black and low-income families involved in D.C.’s child welfare system.

“Government intrusion in the lives of Black and low-income families is dangerous to begin with, and when it happens in secret, there is no accountability whatsoever,” Fraidin wrote in an email to The Informer, noting that child abuse and neglect proceedings are conducted behind closed doors with sealed records.

The Metropolitan Police Department declined to comment directly on the backlog crisis.

“We must refer you to the courts for comment on their operations and procedures,” MPD spokesperson Lee Lepe said in a statement.

The U.S. Attorney’s Office also declined comment.

The judicial vacancy crisis remains at the center of the growing emergency. Velázquez noted that D.C. stands alone nationally because its local trial court judges are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate rather than elected locally. Six nominees recommended by the D.C. Judicial Nomination Commission are still awaiting Senate confirmation hearings.

“People outside the system hear ‘judicial vacancies’ and may see it as a procedural or political issue, but in reality it has serious, direct consequences on the lives of people in the District,” Velázquez said.

D.C. Spent $1 Million Hiring Humans to Yell ‘Fire!’ in Government Office

The entrance to the Marion Barry Building, including several glass doors and a sign saying, "Marion S. Barry, Jr. Building".
The Marion Barry Building. Photo credit: Darrow Montgomery

The D.C. government shelled out $1.01 million for a team of seven contractors to manually watch for fire inside one of the city’s largest office buildings at 441 4th Street NW, named after former D.C. mayor Marion Barry. This human fire watch was intended as a temporary stopgap while the city spent $529,835 repairing the building’s faulty alert system. But taxpayers continued to foot the growing bill for nearly a year while repairs dragged on and fire officials continued to declare the system out of service, according to interviews and records reviewed by the City Paper.

“A fire watch was put in place as a precautionary measure while repairs were underway. Following a comprehensive inspection conducted on April 15 with the Fire Marshal, the fire watch requirement was officially lifted,” Julia Jessie, a spokesperson for the Department of General Services, told City Paper in early May, adding later that “Prioritizing the safety of the occupants in the building is paramount and the fire watch was an essential service while repairs were underway.”

When asked about the length of time needed for the repairs—and the steep bill—Jessie explains, “This is an 800,000-square-foot, 12-story occupied facility, and safety systems must operate around the clock. That level of coverage, over several months, directly drives the cost.”

The Marion S. Barry Jr. Building’s fire watch ran from late May 2025 to April 15, 2026, according to the DGS spokesperson and records reviewed by City Paper.

Ward 4 Councilmember Janeese Lewis George helms the D.C. Council’s Committee on Facilities, which oversees government building maintenance at facilities like the Marion Barry Building. During her January committee oversight hearing, she heard testimony from an employee who works at the building about the fire watch, among other safety issues such as elevator outages. Since then, her office has requested details on the various issues, per a spokesperson.

“[Lewis George] is particularly concerned about the risks to employee safety and the liability that arises from falling or stuck elevators and the $100,000-per-month round-the-clock Fire Watch in lieu of functioning fire detectors and alarms,” the spokesperson tells City Paper

The D.C. Office of Risk Management was “aware” of the issues at the Marion Barry building, according to department spokesperson Jasmin Holmes. “Over the past year, we monitored the work being performed by DGS contractors to resolve outstanding concerns,” says Holmes. When asked if the office knew of any buildings with a fire watch that went on so long, Holmes says, “We are not aware of any other buildings operating under a fire watch.”

A shot of two elevators and their control panel.
The elevators at 441 4th St. NW. Photo credit: Darrow Montgomery

Five hundred “trouble” alerts

DGS set up the fire watch with the blessing of the District of Columbia Fire and Emergency Medical Services after a false alarm fire alert in May 2025 led employees to evacuate the Marion Barry Building, per an employee’s council testimony this year. Except, none of the alarms on the ninth floor went off, leaving those employees unaware of the (luckily nonexistent) fire below. 

A month later, an employee on the ninth floor “started an intense smoke-producing event in one of the break rooms when they accidentally microwaved a dry packet of noodles,” according to council testimony documents. The incident activated “industrial fans” to ventilate—but the floor’s smoke alarms again failed to go off. 

DGS then created the 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. workweek fire watch, hiring contractors from the ASAP Firewatch company in Fairfax, by submitting a plan to the Office of the Fire Marshal for approval. Fire watches are supposed to be a “short-term, emergency measure intended to provide an acceptable level of life safety when an unsafe or hazardous condition exists in a building or structure,” per FEMS’ policy, which emphasizes it is “only a compensatory measure.”

Fire inspectors visited the building several times between the original May incident and late 2025, originally finding nearly 500 “trouble” alerts plaguing the fire alert setup, per FOIA records. By August, DGS’ repairs had reduced the number of alerts to around 30. The same inspection logs also detail issues fire officials found with the fire watch itself: In June they were discovered to be understaffed by two contractors and the five contractors that were on-site were using cellphones to communicate instead of the required radios.

“The repair costs reflect the complexity of the building’s life safety systems,” DGS spokesperson Jessie says of the scale and scope of the system faults that had to be repaired. “Every floor contains interconnected fire alarms, sprinkler systems, mechanical equipment, and emergency systems that must all work together. Repairs are not isolated fixes. They require testing, coordination, and integration across hundreds of devices throughout the building to ensure the system functions as one.”

Jessie notes sourcing some of the aging building’s specialized parts “can extend timelines and cost.” 

FEMS declined to comment when asked for more information about inspections, the fire watch plan, elevator issues, and if there were plans to inform D.C. government employees or the public about the building’s safety issues.

“I used to work at 441,” Lewis George said of the Marion Barry Building during her January committee oversight hearing. “I don’t know how that building is still functioning and people are still functioning in it.”

D.C. government employee Zachary Love alleged during the same hearing that the building is rife with other “serious safety” issues, from roaches that have “fallen from the ceiling” onto employees, to the elevators. Love and other D.C. government employees have testified before the council as recently as two years ago with detailed complaints about having to pry themselves out of stuck elevators, and worse, elevators dropping with passengers trapped inside.

“To clarify, there have been no elevator ‘falls,’” says Jessie, when asked for details about the number of incidents. “Modern elevator systems include multiple built in safety redundancies designed to prevent that type of incident.”

“In some cases, elevators may temporarily malfunction or stop operating as intended, which can require assistance from building engineers or emergency personnel,” she says. “When an issue is reported through the elevator call system, notifications are received immediately and the elevator is taken out of service until it is inspected and cleared for operation.”

The Marion Barry Building hosts a staggering 14 elevators, all of which are currently being fitted with new doors and key components, which is expected to be completed by this fall, according to DGS. The department is currently seeking to replace and upgrade more elevator equipment, but funding for this expanded project may be in jeopardy as Mayor Muriel Bowser has proposed a 36 percent reduction to DGS’ municipal buildings maintenance budget for fiscal year 2027. This comes at a time when elevator repair costs and lead times in aging buildings across the U.S. are mounting, as mechanics in the niche industry retire and parts must increasingly be custom-made if they can be found at all.

Councilmember Lewis George tells City Paper she was “disappointed” by the mayor’s proposed cuts, which, she says, “will further limit DGS’s ability to prevent and repair facilities issues across all government buildings, including those in dire disrepair like the Marion Barry Building.”

The exterior of the Marion Barry Building--a gray office building with many windows--seen from across the street. Cars are parked along the road, and the sun shines in a blue, partly cloudy sky.
The Marion Barry Building. Photo credit: Darrow Montgomery

‘The hands and feet of the District’

The Marion Barry Building houses offices for dozens of D.C. government agencies, including the State Board of Education and the Office of the D.C. Attorney General, and used to house many more when the Wilson Building was closed for repairs

Originally named One Judiciary Square, the building is also a bustling center for D.C. residents. A destination for protests and parades, it has also operated as a polling place and hosted press conferences for the Metropolitan Police Department and Attorney General. Its council chambers are sometimes converted to cooling and heating centers, and the whole building was even considered as a bargaining chip for the RFK Stadium deal. Five years after the D.C. Council Chair Phil Mendelson proposed renaming the 441 after the late Marion Barry Jr., Bowser, and former first lady Cora Masters Barry hung a large mural in the lobby illustrating the former mayor’s legacy. 

The 12-story building has also been an expensive one in the District’s portfolio. The city spent $230 million over 20 years to lease, then finally purchase, the property. And despite improvement projects such as Pepco’s $7.5 million 2012 green energy retrofit, 441 still ranked in the top five most energy-inefficient D.C. buildings the next year. It has also been plagued by a variety of safety issues for more than a decade, with repeated inspector general reports finding the security screening could be foiled by people slipping around via the food court. 

Ward 2 Councilmember Brooke Pinto, who chairs the council’s public safety committee, declined to comment on the latest safety issues plaguing the Marion Barry building and referred City Paper to the Department of Buildings, where a DOB spokesperson declined to comment and referred the City Paper back to DGS.

“I think there is an impact most importantly to staff morale,” Marion Barry Building employee Love said during his January 2026 testimony. “Fire alarms and basic occupational safety are a cost of doing business, and if it is true that we are the hands and feet of the District government, then we are entitled to a minimum level of safety.”

D.C. Third-Party Power Customers Paid 70 Percent More Than Pepco Rates, Costing Households Millions

Stylized black-and-white photo of an electricity pole with several wires protruding in many directions.
Credit: Darrow Montgomery

Selena switched electricity suppliers to save money. In November 2017, a man she knew from her Congress Heights neighborhood knocked on her door with a promise: Switch providers, lower her Pepco electric bill.

But what began as an attempt to lower her monthly costs spiraled into a yearslong merry-go-round of disputed electricity charges, mounting debt, and a chaotic Pepco bill. 

In D.C.’s deregulated electricity market, consumers can choose from among several companies for their electricity supplier. Some advertise cheaper rates, others claim 100 percent renewable energy. Even if customers switch suppliers, Pepco still delivers the power and sends out their bills. 

After seeing her costs spike, Selena, who asks that only her first name be used, says she canceled her service with Star Energy a few months later. But her bills didn’t go down. “My bills have never been that high,” she says. “I thought Pepco had gone crazy.”

In reality, the charges weren’t from Pepco. They were from a rotating roster of eight different companies that enrolled Selena in their services at least 14 times between 2017 and 2021, according to an email she received from Pepco. Along with Star Energy, the list included companies she’d never heard of including MPower Energy, Indra Energy, and Smart Energy.  Selena says she was enrolled without her knowledge and at one point, the list grew to 15 different unknown suppliers on her bill. 

This unauthorized enrollment of consumers into high-interest energy contracts is so common that it has a name: “slamming.”

The practice left Selena—who pays her rent with the help of a government subsidy—thousands of dollars in arrears on her Pepco account. 

Pepco directed her to dispute the charges with the third-party suppliers, but because it took years for her to realize her accounts had been switched around, the companies claimed she wasn’t in their systems, she says. In an email, a Pepco representative advised her to dispute any unauthorized enrollment with the Public Service Commission, but Selena says that her complaint to the PSC didn’t solve the problem either. She was left with no choice but to apply for utility assistance and pay down the accumulated debt.

Last year, Selena found two new suppliers lurking on her Pepco bill. Pepco gave her a new account number—one she now guards vigilantly, she says.

The District’s deregulated energy market is intended to create competition and lower costs, but it has left residential customers like Selena vulnerable to excessive charges and predatory practices, according to a September 2025 report by the DC Department of Energy and Environment. Now, Mayor Muriel Bowser is proposing legislation to enhance consumer protections for residential retail energy customers. 

The DOEE report, which analyzed retail electricity data from July 2023 to August 2024, estimates that residential customers who selected third-party suppliers paid 70 percent more per kilowatt-hour than Pepco’s Standard Offer Service, or SOS as it appears on customers’ bills, resulting in $17.85 million in overpayments for consumers.

Households receiving utility assistance fared even worse, paying 80 percent more per kWh and losing $4.04 million. Although these households make up only 8 percent of all homes, they account for about a quarter of the accounts with third-party electricity suppliers, the report found.

According to Pepco Senior Communications Manager Addie Kauzlarich, third-party suppliers provide electricity to approximately 32,550 residential customers—about 10 percent of the District’s nearly 327,000 residential accounts.

“Unfortunately, DOEE’s findings show that overall, lax rules have meant exploitation of customers,” a spokesperson for DOEE tells City Paper in an email. 

“What took D.C. so long?” Laurel Peltier, chair of the Maryland Energy Advocates Coalition and founder of Retail Energy Revealed, says in reaction to the DOEE report. “Although D.C. is a relatively small residential electricity market, it has produced some of the most extreme retail energy pricing outcomes in the United States.”

DOEE identified predatory practices such as aggressive door-to-door marketing that targets low-income neighborhoods, slamming, and teaser contracts that automatically renew, often resulting in rate plans that can cause sudden and unpredictable spikes in electric bills. Last June, the Office of Attorney General issued a consumer alert about these practices. 

Third-party supplier customers were twice as likely to be in arrears (55 percent) compared with Pepco SOS customers (25 percent); they also have an average monthly arrears of $760—nearly double the SOS average of $404, according to the report. While 40 suppliers operate in the residential space, one supplier controls roughly 25 percent of the market, according to the DOEE report, which does not identify the company.

By contrast, commercial electric customers (such as office buildings and retail stores) thrived under the third-party supplier system. They paid an average of $0.095/kWh—31 percent lower than Pepco SOS rates—and saved $193.57 million over the same period, according to DOEE. Larger commercial entities may have benefited from the leverage to negotiate better rates, according to the report. And while third-party suppliers serve less than one-third of commercial customers, they provide more than 83 percent of all commercial electricity.

Classified as residential, master-metered apartment buildings—where the landlord is the customer rather than individual tenants—showed rates on par with Pepco SOS prices, averaging $0.10/kWh, though arrears per account were high, according to the DOEE report. Because of the small sample size, it’s difficult to make conclusions about the data for this group, the DOEE spokesperson says. 

The high prices are not explained by renewable energy costs, which only add about $0.012/kWh, according to DOEE’s analysis. 

The DOEE analysis also found that the high costs third-party suppliers impose on residential customers are effectively subsidized by taxpayers. Many low-income households using third-party suppliers turn to the District’s utility assistance programs, creating a “burden” on those programs, according to a DOEE slide presentation accompanying the report.

Third-party suppliers further minimize their risk of customer nonpayment by transferring the debt to Pepco through the Purchase of Receivables program. Under the POR program, third-party suppliers sell outstanding consumer debt to Pepco at a discount rate set by the Public Service Commission; Pepco then collects the debt from customers through its monthly bills. 

“That was part of the sweetheart deals these suppliers got when everybody was like, ‘This could be a really good thing. … Maybe they really will lower the price of electricity,’” Peltier says of POR. Now, it’s just another predatory aspect of the market, she adds.

The report found that on average, 4,151 disconnection notices per month were issued to electricity customers in the POR program; 7 percent resulted in disconnections.

The DOEE spokesperson tells City Paper, “these costs are ultimately passed on to all ratepayers, since the ‘Purchase of Receivables’ process allows third-party energy suppliers to offload arrears debt onto Pepco.” 

PSC records reflect a similar concern. While “no part of the POR program costs should be recovered from ratepayers,” the Commission admitted that “there is no simple way to mitigate a high POR Discount Rate without impacting non-POR ratepayers,” in an order approving an increase to Pepco’s discount rate in June 2025. 

In that case, Pepco proposed raising the discount rate from roughly 4 percent to nearly 15 percent, due to a surge in uncollectable debt. Pepco wants a higher discount rate because it assumes the risk that some customers may not pay their bills, while electricity suppliers want a lower rate because the discount reduces how much money they receive. For example, if the discount rate is 15 percent, Pepco pays the supplier $85 for every $100 in receivables it purchases. If the discount rate is only 4 percent, Pepco pays the supplier $96. 

Regulators ultimately settled on an 11.3 percent rate. In a dissent, Commissioner Richard Beverly argued that the rate should be raised to approximately 6 percent so as not to harm the competitive market. Beverly cited concerns of the Retail Energy Supply Association, a lobbying group for third-party suppliers.

The Office of the People’s Counsel has been advocating for ending the POR program since 2012.

“Shifting the burden of bad debt collection to utilities would divert focus from the companies’ core mission of providing safe and reliable service,” OPC warned last year, adding that the “adverse impacts on low-income and residential households far outweigh any gains.”


OPC was sounding the alarm on these massive residential losses five years before the DOEE report. A 2020 OPC study found that residential consumers overpaid by approximately $20.5 million in a two-year period by purchasing electricity from third-party suppliers.

According to a detailed statement provided to City Paper from the agency, OPC received a total of 2,985 complaints between fiscal years 2023 and 2025, which increased sharply over that period and disproportionately affected residents in Wards 5, 7, and 8.

For electricity customers facing rising household debt and service shutoffs, they were often charged two to three times the standard supply rate. OPC does not have the authority to issue fines—that authority is reserved for PSC—but its interventions have successfully led to account corrections, refunds, and the removal of third-party suppliers, according to a statement from OPC.

Since 2021, out of 4,458 complaints handled by PSC’s Office of Consumer Services, approximately 572 complaints were about third-party utility suppliers (for both electricity and gas), according to spokesperson Whitney Douglas

While PSC is tasked with regulating third-party suppliers, Douglas says, “No enforcement actions have been taken against any of these suppliers.”

Close-up of an electricity bill showing an electric supply charge of $49.97.
Credit: Darrow Montgomery

In contrast to the District, Maryland’s Public Services Commission has initiated enforcement actions against predatory third-party suppliers. Last year, it ordered SmartEnergy—one of the companies on Selena’s account—to refund $6.5 million to more than 32,000 customers following a six-year battle over deceptive telephone marketing and illegal enrollment practices.

The New York State Public Service Commission has been equally aggressive in its oversight of third-party suppliers. Last year, the commission approved a settlement requiring nine NRG Energy-affiliated companies to pay $50 million in billing adjustments to 278,000 current and former customers in the state.

New York has also gone after MPower Energy, a company that was added as a supplier on Selena’s account four times without her knowledge. While New York has not banned MPower, the company is currently facing a pending legal proceeding to revoke its license due to allegations of deceptive marketing and unauthorized customer enrollments. 

In 2019 and 2021, MPower was hit with class action suits in New York and New Jersey alleging deceptive business practices. The company managed to stall these legal challenges by effectively moving the disputes out of the courtroom and into individual arbitration. 

MPower’s annual compliance reports filed with D.C.’s PSC reveal the company’s rapid growth in the District. The company’s annual electricity sales in D.C. increased nearly 20-fold between 2021 and 2025, jumping from 1,254 MWh to 25,316 MWh.

According to D.C.’s OPC, MPower was the target of 260 complaints between fiscal year 2023 and fiscal year 2025, the second highest number during that time frame.


Across several states with third-party electricity suppliers, similar data has shown that residential customers—especially low-income households—were more likely to enroll with third-party suppliers, be charged higher rates, and experience higher average losses.

A 2021 Wall Street Journal investigation found that residential consumers in deregulated markets have overpaid by more than $1 billion annually compared with standard utility rates. 

In a March 2026 report, Massachusetts found that residential electric supply customers lost an estimated $738.7 million over 10 years. In Maine, residential consumers lost $156 million from 2016 to 2024. Pennsylvania consumers have overpaid by more than $205 million since 2015.

Across the border, Maryland has effectively dismantled its retail energy market. The law, which took effect in July 2024, introduced major reforms, including mandated price caps, contract limits, and licensing requirements for salespeople. It also prohibits Pepco from purchasing customers’ debt from third-party suppliers.

Six years earlier, Maryland’s Office of People’s Counsel presented a report that found the state’s consumers paid approximately $54.9 million more for electricity and gas than if they had purchased energy from their utilities.

Peltier, whose own reporting has been influential in Maryland, says there are currently no retail supply offers in the state because of the new protections, but powerful industry groups, such as the Retail Energy Advancement League, which was founded by a coalition of major retail energy companies collectively worth billions, continue to push the benefits of “choice.” 

On its website, the organization is currently “advocating for legislative changes that will return energy choice to customers, create energy resilience in Maryland, and deliver a positive customer experience.”


The DOEE report recommended several measures to protect consumers from high electricity costs. They include capping residential rates to Pepco’s standard utility prices, banning early termination fees, and ensuring households on utility assistance pay no more than the standard rate. Variable-rate and short-term contracts, with rates that could suddenly spike or automatically renew at higher rates, should also be prohibited, according to the agency’s recommendations. 

The report also calls for regular reporting of third-party supplier financial and sales data, restrictions on POR debt purchasing, and exploring community energy programs that let neighborhoods buy power in bulk to save money. 

Bowser’s energy reform legislation, which is included in the 2026 Budget Support Act, largely aligns with DOEE’s recommendations. It adds reporting requirements, establishes residential price caps at 110 percent of Pepco’s standard rate (with PSC-approved exceptions for innovative services), prohibits early termination fees, and holds third-party suppliers liable for predatory sales tactics. 

While noting that the legislation stops short of eliminating the controversial POR system, Peltier tells City Paper, overall, it’s a win for District residents. 

Bowser’s approach would tighten the rules while keeping the market alive. It hinges on the oversight of a PSC board, whose members are appointed by the mayor, which has made little effort to rein in suppliers and currently faces a deep lack of trust with residents who are already furious over the agency’s approval of excessive Pepco rate hikes. 

Compounding the friction is the commission’s refusal to issue customer refunds in light of a decision by the D.C. Court of Appeals vacating the PSC-approved two-year rate hike plan. Instead, PSC has chosen to keep electricity rates at the levels approved in the order that was rejected by the court until a new order is issued in the future.

In a press release this month, the Office of the People’s Counsel slammed the commission’s inaction.

Photo of a green table with pamphlets and informational material.
IDT Energy representatives tabling in Columbia Heights. Photo credit: Suzie Amanuel

“The Court clearly ruled the process by which the rates were set was flawed. But the Commission finds it appropriate to require the public to wait to learn whether it will receive any justice at all, while Pepco can continue ‘business as usual,’” Deputy People’s Counsel Karen Sistrunk says. 

Ward 4 Councilmember Janeese Lewis George and former At-Large Councilmember Kenyan McDuffieboth of whom are running for mayor, have championed stringent retail market oversight and expanded PSC powers to penalize deceptive providers, according to responses from their respective campaigns to City Paper’s questions. 

Lewis George, in a statement from her communications director Amanda Michelle Gomez, promises to appoint PSC commissioners who will fight for families: “Many Washingtonians are being exploited and paying more for less,” the statement says. She pledges to keep bills in check while advancing affordable clean energy. “DC cannot continue to have lax utility regulation,” she adds. (Gomez is a former City Paper reporter.)

McDuffie, through press secretary Christian Herald, vows to “end predatory tactics by third-party suppliers through an aggressive enforcement mandate,” while arguing that utility requests must benefit residents “not company shareholders.” He says “lower costs, reliable service, and real transparency will be the North Star,” promising not to support any commissioner who doesn’t meet this “litmus test.”

McDuffie’s critics, such as Sierra Club Political Committee Chair Mark Rodeffer, challenge his record.   

“When former councilmember Kenyan McDuffie was responsible for oversight of the PSC, he provided none,” Rodeffer says in written testimony to the D.C. Council. “He never meaningfully challenged the commissioners on the skyrocketing utility rates that they rubber-stamped.”

Despite the alarming DOEE report, and Bowser’s proposals to address the issue, third-party suppliers are still out in force. 

Last month in Columbia Heights, I came across representatives for IDT Energy who were soliciting residents with ease (the company has racked up 170 OPC consumer complaints). As I walked past their table, they handed me a flyer and gave me the pitch: “Come back with your utility bill and an ID.” That small request is the first step into a marketplace that many find impossible to navigate. 

“A buyer beware market is not good public policy for an essential service,” Peltier warns. “It’s sad because it’s just been going on for far too long.”